Mr. Tomás Duplá del Moral, spanish lawyer and sociologist. From Lebanon to Palestinian territories and North Africa… Mr. Tomás Duplá del Moral has been working since the early 90’s on Mediterranean isssues at the European Commission, thus becoming a South Mediterranean expert.
Biography of Mr. Tomás Duplá del Moral
- Mr. Tomás Duplá del Moral graduated in law (1970) at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid. He worked as a barrister in the Spanish capital city between 1970 and 1980, before undertaking postgraduate studies (a PhD in Sociology) at the University of Wisconsin, Madison (1985).
- Upon his return to Madrid, he worked in the private office of the President of the Madrid Autonomous region (1987-1988).
- In 1989, he started his career at the European Commission in Brussels, as Desk Officer for Lebanon and the West Bank & Gaza Strip, before becoming Head of the “Palestinian Territories” Sector in the Mashrak and Israel Unit (1992-1993).
- After more than two years as the first Commission Representative to the Palestinian Territories in Jerusalem and Head of the European Commission technical assistance offices in Jerusalem and Gaza (1994-1996), he was assigned as Head of the Mashrek and Israel Unit (1996-2001) back in Brussels.
- In 2001, Mr. Duplá del Moral was appointed Head of the Latin America Horizontal Affairs Unit.
- From January 2004 to September 2007, he was in charge of the Latin America region at the Directorate General for External Relations of the European Commission.
- Since October 2007, Mr. Duplá del Moral is working as Director for Near and Middle East, South Mediterranean at the European Commission's Directorate-General for External Relations.
Answers of Mr. Tomás Duplá del Moral
1. Considering all the difficulties we are facing, do you feel optimistic about the possibility of bringing economic revitalization to Arab Mediterranean countries?
Arab Mediterranean countries are not immune to the present global economic and financial crisis, and therefore their economic revitalisation depends on global economic revitalisation. Beyond that, those Arab Mediterranean countries, having embraced the need of reforms meant to open up their economies and societies both internally and towards the outside world, are faring better than those who have not. To the extent that these reforms (covering trade, investment, economic governance and democracy and human rights) will be forcefully pursued, I feel optimistic.
2. What plan the EU intends to draw up in order to put an end to problems generated by Arab youth emigration to Europe?
The first and most important thing is co-operating with Arab countries to create and reinforce the conditions that will lead to strong job creation in their own societies. This is what the European Neighbourhood Policy intends to do. But to the extent that this is not yet the case, it is important to work out how to channel emigration through legal instruments that make it possible for the young to find jobs in Europe that allow them to go back to their own countries with more money and better training. Finally, it is also important to co-operate to put a stop to human trafficking and illegal migration, with its attendant dangers and disappointments.
3. What is the role of the European Union in promoting democracy, and, in this regard, what about its position regarding political (head of state) heritage in Arab countries?
The European Union has been built on the basis of values, most prominently those linked with democracy and the respect of human rights. Our Treaties demand that these values be at the core of the European Union’s external action. With Arab countries, the situation depends on the legal and political basis of our mutual relations. For those countries with which the European Union has Association Agreements, but especially those with Action Plans under the European Neighbourhood Policy (Lebanon, Jordan, the occupied Palestinian territories, Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco), there are dialogues on democracy and human rights, as well as concrete joint commitments in those areas. As regards phenomena of political ‘inheritance’ in Arab countries, there is no official EU position, though it is clear that the proliferation of cases may signal an anomaly in political governance pointing to well-known deficits in democracy.
4. Does the European Union give special importance to specific countries within the framework of the Euro-Mediterranean relations? And are there any new partnerships perspectives that the EU intends to develop with Lebanon?
Countries differ in importance depending on size, proximity to the European Union, population, growth potential, instability risk or convergence in democratic values and practices. Those countries that make more progress in the implementation of joint Action Plans with the European Union on a process of convergence can expect to get special consideration for a reinforcement of their relations with the European Union. Morocco and Israel are already in this group, although Morocco is progressing faster by virtue of a more clearly decided will to progress on all fronts, whereas in the case of Israel there are disagreements related to the perceived commitment to peace. Egypt, Jordan and Tunisia have also requested a reinforcement of their relations with the European Union. The same can happen with Lebanon once that country makes clear progress in its commitment to reform.
5. How does the EU support production of solar energy in south Mediterranean countries?
The European Union has inscribed the Mediterranean Solar Plan amongst the priorities decided jointly with its Mediterranean partners in the 13 July 2008 Paris summit declaration on the Union for the Mediterranean. This is consistent with the European Union’s own policies on renewables. The concrete ways in which this plan will be implemented and therefore the European Union’s support are currently in the process of being defined. Most likely the plan will be launched in the course of 2010.
6. How can we develop the education sector and enhance employment in Egypt?
Strong economic growth is essential for tackling the interlinked problems of high unemployment and widespread poverty in Egypt. This requires increased investment, production and trade volumes. The Egyptian government is trying to achieve growth with equity by developing the private sector and reducing the government’s role in the economy through reforms in the areas of trade, finance and taxation. These efforts are supported by the ongoing education reform, which is helping to match the skills of secondary school and technical college graduates to the needs of the market. The Commission has strongly supported the process with €140 million in the education sector (26% of the total budget available for Egypt in 2007-2013) and we are considering supporting it further in the financial period 2011-2013. In addition, the Commission allocated €230 million (40% of the total budget) to strengthen EU-Egypt trade and help increase productivity and competitiveness of the Egyptian economy.
7. Considering your past experience, what are the main common issues, and differences, between Latin America and the Arab World, when it comes to development issues?
It is always difficult to generalize, but some differences are quite clear. Latin America as a region has opted unequivocally for political systems that have democracy and human rights at their core. In this, it is closer to Europe than the Arab world. Both regions have made great efforts to follow prudent macroeconomic policies, which has greatly increased their resilience in these times of crisis. The Arab world in general has a much greater level of social cohesion, which translates into far less inequality and less daily life violence. However, Arab societies are less open in economic terms, and have access to much less foreign direct investment. Finally, both regions are resource-rich, though in the Arab world resources are mostly in the oil and gas sector. Some Arab Gulf societies are using this wealth with a view to diversify and reduce their dependence on oil in extremely modern and very innovative ways that deserve being followed attentively.
8. To what extent the European Union interferes in internal or external political issues related to Arab Mediterranean countries?
The European Union and the Arab Mediterranean countries are close neighbors. Therefore, interactions of all kinds take place constantly, including trade and human flows, exchange of information, cultural encounters and investment. They also face similar external challenges and influences. These interactions, challenges and influences happen regardless of the existence of any kind of structures. However, both the Arab Mediterranean countries and the European Union prefer to rely on frameworks and common goals, through a dense network of agreements (for example: the Association Agreements) which give rights to both sides and also impose obligations on both. To this extent, there is mutual interference. The same applies to external challenges and influences, where we have agreed on mechanisms such as the Union for the Mediterranean. Finally, both sides of the Mediterranean are parties to multilateral agreements, for example through the United Nations or the World Trade Organization. Beyond these agreed frameworks, relations are based on mutual respect and respect for sovereignty.
9. How can we stop terrorism? In your opinion, are neighborhood countries doing what is necessary to reach this aim?
There is no magic formula for stopping terrorism. The only possible way is strenuous police and judicial work with full respect of democratic procedures and human rights, together with international co-operation. This happens to a variable extent with different neighborhood countries, though in general the attitude is one of co-operation. It is also important to address the root causes that serve as a pretext for terrorist actions, such as the Arab-Israeli conflict.
10. Effective work within the European Neighborhood Policy between EU and Syria or Libya did not start yet. What are the reasons behind this situation? And how can these countries move their cooperation forward?
Both Syria and Libya are Europe’s neighbors and are treated as such. To the extent that there is financial co-operation with these two countries, European funding comes from the European Neighborhood Policy Instrument. While Syria, a country that belongs to the Union for the Mediterranean has not concluded an Association Agreement with the European Union, negotiations are very close to conclusion. With the Agreement already in force, nothing will prevent Syria from participating in the European Neighborhood Policy. Libya has a different approach, having rejected participation in the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the European Neighborhood Policy and the Union for the Mediterranean. Currently, however, this country is in a process of negotiation of a framework agreement with the European Union, the content of which will not be very different from the kind of Association Agreements that Europe has negotiated with other Mediterranean parties.
11 In your opinion, are member states of the EU doing all they can so Muslims can be received in European countries with respect to their rights and traditions?
European countries have different approaches to integration of immigrants. However, all of them are based on respect for the human rights of immigrants irrespective of their religious background. Rights, both of citizens and residents, are the same for all, no matter their religion. Immigrants also have obligations, one of which is accepting the laws and social rules of host countries, a key condition for integration. Acceptance of traditions cannot go beyond this limit. This said, many European countries have sizable Muslim populations that go about their lives in full normality.
12. What are the actions of the European Union in order to help modernize justice and judicial issues in Arab partner countries?
In agreement with our Arab partners’ governments, there are co-operation programs for the modernization of justice, including the legal framework, the training of judges and other judicial agents and the provision of material means, such as buildings and computers.
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